Security Threats and Public Perception by Elizaveta Gaufman
Author:Elizaveta Gaufman
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Springer International Publishing, Cham
President Putinâs name was used in the pro-Russian and pro-Ukrainian contexts. This indicates that both sides perceive President Putin as a personification of the conflict. Pro-Ukrainian commentators drew parallels between Putin and Hitler while ascribing fascism to himâa technique that has long been tested in the Russian opposition discourse, where Putin is often called âPutlerâ and the pro-Kremlin organizations, especially âNashiâ (âOursâ), âYoung Guard of United Russiaâ, are frequently referred to as Putin-Jugend (Lurkmore 2014). Pro-Ukrainian commentators have also used the word âRashismâ (conflation of âRussiaâ and âfascismâ) to emphasize the aggressive intentions of Russia. Another word that is often used by âmilitia men of Novorossiaâ is karatel (punisher). This word is also borrowed from the Great Patriotic War vocabulary and was often used in combination with Schutzstaffel (âSSâ) in military reports and, later, to describe Nazi brutalities in occupied territories (Maksimov and Karyshev 1987). This usage creates additional discursive parallels with fascism.
The words âukryâ, âukropyâ, âukropitekiâ, âukrofashistyâ are also quite frequently used by a number of pro-Russian bloggers, but because of the variance of the use of these terms it is difficult to see them on the word cloud visualization. These kinds of terms are often employed in anti-Maidan groups or in the military reports of the Donetsk and Luhansk Peopleâs Republics, as well as other anti-American/anti-Western VKontakte communities. A number of âepithetsâ about the supporters of Euromaidan are related to the modification of the word âMaidanâ (âmaidanutyeââfucked in the head with Maidan; âmaidaunyââconflation of Maidan and Down syndrome), or a modification of the word âsvidomyeâ (former Soviet nickname of Ukrainian Nationalists), which in blogs often turns into âsvidomityâ, an attempt to create an association with âsodomitesâ. A similar technique is used, for example, in Russian conservative circles, where the words âtolerastyâ or âliberastâ (conflation with the word âpederastâ). Such linguistic constructions are linked through word formation and refer the reader not only to the sexual abnormality and lack of masculinity of the pro-Ukrainian ideologues, but to the inherent deviance of the Ukrainian ideology.
As noted by Yakovlev (Yakovlev 2014), pro-Russian commentators from Ukraine usually rally online in public groups on social networks (Vkontakte.âcom [VK], Facebook) commonly referred to as âAnti-Maidanâ, that is, indicating their non-alignment with the Euromaidan movement. Russians who support the separatists in the unrecognized republics of Donetsk and Luhansk are not necessarily united in âAnti-Maidanâ groups: a majority of the statements in favour of Russian military involvement in Ukraine and support for opolchency (pro-Russian militia) is expressed in right-wing/nationalist groups, anti-American groups, not to mention the page âReports from the militia of New Russiaâ, which at the time of this writing, had more than 500,000 subscribers. Cartoons and posters related to the Ukrainian crisis, for the most part, play up the theme of World War II and Nazism and/or conspiracy discourse on the role of the USA in the organization of Euromaidan.
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